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Arratsaldeon, nire asmoa da zuekin elkarrizketa bat izatea eta denon artean saiatzea, gure herriarentzako irtenbide bat aurkitzen. Ez naiz politikari famatua ez eta garrantzitsua ere. Politikaria banintz, behar bada, maltzurragoa beharko nuke izan, eta ez nituzke sarritan esaten ditudanak esango.

Ni euskaldun arrunt bat bezala aurkezten naiz zuen aurrean. Hori bai, gaztetatik konturatu nintzen nor naizen eta nora eraman nahi ninduten beste batzuk. Konturatu nintzen gizakia ez dela leihorik gabeko etxe bat bezalakoa, baizik eta leiho asko dituela ingurura irekiak, eta inguru horren eragina jasotzen duela. Eta inguruaren arabera, bide batetik edo bestetik joaten dela, bai inguru naturalarekin – gauzekin beti harremanetan dabilena da gizakia –, bai gizakiekin dituen harremanengatik. Eta inguru mota desberdinak gizaki desberdinak egiten ditu...

Good afternoon, My intention is to have a conversation with you and for us all to try to find a solution for our nation. I am neither a famous nor an important politician. If I were a politician, perhaps I would have to be more cunning, and I would not often say the things I do say.

I present myself before you as an ordinary Basque person. However, from a young age, I realised who I am and where others wanted to take me. I realised that a human being is not like a house without windows, but rather has many windows open to the environment, and is affected by that environment. And depending on the environment, they go one way or another, both with the natural environment – humans are always in contact with things – and through their relationships with other people. And different kinds of environments create different human beings...

La nueva ofensiva del nacionalismo español en los territorios vascos ocupados obedece a causas y circunstancias bien determinadas. La clase dirigente considera que: 1/ El plan de adaptación y estabilización del régimen franquista se ha realizado en sus grandes líneas. 2/ El riesgo de fractura ha desaparecido de la sociedad española, la antigua oposición se ha unido a los vencedores y aspira solamente a ser útil y a obtener su justa parte en el pastel. 3/ El "problema vasco" está bajo control, manteniéndose la resistencia nacional a nivel infraestratégico con el concurso directo o indirecto, comprado o recuperado, del conglomerado "Pnv-Eta"...

Arratsaldeon, voy a procurar que este pequeño discurso tenga por lo menos dos cualidades a falta de otras muchas que no va a tener, con seguridad. Voy a intentar ser claro y ser breve. Si, además, el discurso fuera bueno, sería tres veces bueno. Esto ya no está en mis manos y solo puedo pretenderlo. Voy a intentar ser claro; no voy a decir más que aquello que parece que digo; no hay que hacer lecturas ocultas. Y lo más breve posible para que luego podáis hablar vosotros, y podamos tratar asuntos que nos conciernen a todos...

Good afternoon/Good evening, I'm going to try to ensure that this small speech has at least two qualities, in the absence of many others it certainly won't have. I will try to be clear and to be brief. If the speech were also good, that would be three times good. That is no longer in my hands, and I can only aim for it. I will try to be clear; I will not say more than what I appear to be saying; there's no need to search for hidden readings. And I’ll be as brief as possible so that you can all speak later, and we can address the issues that concern all of us...

International relations are established on political, geographical, demographic, economic, cultural, and ideological bases that make the imperialist phenomenon possible. The nation is the subject of nationalism and internationalism. "Nationalism" in a broad sense is the nation's way of being. Both are constitutively correlative and inseparable. Nationalism, in a strict sense, is the extreme, aggressive, and oppressive form of nationalism—imperialist nationalism. It arouses resistance, the defensive struggle for national freedom.

Gizakiok, funtsean, dualtasun paradoxiko batekin borrokan gabiltza: alde batetik, aitortza, elkarbizitza eta elkarren loraldia nahi ditugu; bestetik, beldurra, erasoa eta menperatzea dakarren sena dugu. Filosofoek, antropologoek eta psikologoek aspalditik nabarmendu dute bestearen arazoa—arrotza, auzokidea, kanpotarra—giza historia eta psikea ulertzeko funtsezkoa dela. Giza jokabidearen behatzaile batek esan zuen bezala: "Gizakia animalia ahula eta armagabea da, eta haren eraso-sena garapen kulturalak areagotu du... Giza talde oro saiatzen da besteak suntsitzen, menperatzen, lapurtzen, esklabo bihurtzen, esplotatzen, hiltzen, jaten, asimilatzen, haietaz defendatzen eta haiei inposatzen". Hitz horiek, gordinak izan arren, sarritan estali ohi den egia bat erakusten digute: giza gizarteak ez dira soilik lankidetzaren bidez garatu, besteari dagokion etengabeko tentsioaren bidez baizik...

Humanity, at its core, wrestles with a paradoxical duality: the desire for recognition, coexistence, and mutual flourishing, and the instinctive drive toward fear, aggression, and domination. Philosophers, anthropologists, and psychologists alike have long noted that the problem of the other—the stranger, the neighbor, the foreigner—is fundamental to understanding human history and the human psyche. As one observer of human behavior suggested, “Man is a weak and unarmed animal whose instinct for aggression has been potentiated by cultural development… Every human group tries to destroy, dominate, steal, enslave, exploit, kill, eat, assimilate, defend itself from, and impose itself upon others.” These words, stark as they are, reveal a truth often obscured: human societies have evolved not merely through cooperation, but through a perpetual tension with the other...

Man is a weak and unarmed animal whose instinct for aggression has been potentiated by cultural development. Human groups react to others through aggression. The interaction of fear and aggressiveness has made man the most conflictive and dangerous animal of prey. Every human group tries to destroy, dominate, steal, enslave, exploit, kill, eat, assimilate, defend itself from, and impose itself upon others, using all means at its disposal. There is no historical or prehistoric example of a people who, being able to do so, accepted the presence and free development of others, although there are specialist peoples for whom the liquidation of others is a permanent, priority, unrenounceable undertaking, even to the extent of compromising their own well-being, freedom, and existence...

Askatasun ezak bildu gaitu eta askatasunaren nahiak batuko gaitu. Ezinbestekoa dugu batasun estrategikoa askatasuna lortzeko. Bere garaian, orain dela mende batzuk, askatasuna izan genuen, hau da, geure estatu nafarra Europa barruan, nazioarteko mailan onartua eta ondo aitortua zen.

Neurri handi batean horrek iraun arazi gaitu herri moduan; geurean eutsiz bizi gara oraindik. Askatasuna galtzeak existentzia galtzera garamatza. Askatasunik gabe ez dugu biziraupen luzerik. Askatasuna ezinbestekoa dugu herri bezala bizi ahal izateko...

We are gathered by the lack of freedom, and the desire for freedom will unite us. Strategic unity is essential for us to achieve freedom. Centuries ago, we had freedom; that is, we had our own Navarrese State (Nafar Estatua), recognized and well-acknowledged at an international level within Europe.

To a great extent, that is what has allowed us to endure as a people; we are still alive by holding on to what is ours. The loss of freedom leads us to the loss of existence. Without freedom, we cannot have long-term survival. Freedom is vital for us to be able to live as a people....

The idea of violence is now partially or completely identified with that of terrorism, which is perceived as a form of "superviolence" that is particularly sinister and catastrophic. An additional emotional and affective charge thus increases irrationality, confusion, distortion, and ideological mystification.

With the end of communism as the ultimate, cardinal evil, the supreme enemy, and the source of all conflicts—the axis of evil and international struggles—the permanent competition between states and peoples needed a new adversary of similar or greater stature. Imperialist and fascist states had to invent a new metaphysics and a new axis of evil to justify their crimes. The new “terrorism”—formless, multiform, and protean—would meet this need beyond all expectations...

Nire hitzak ez dira zentzu etiko edo juridiko batean ulertu behar, zentzu polítiko batean baizik.

Edith Stein, emakume filosofoak, germaniarra, sorkuntzaz hebreatarra, hiltzeko zorian zegoela, Auschwitz-en, gas kamara batetik pasa ondoren, bere alboan zegoenari galdetu zion: esango dizkidazu zeintzuk diren erantzunak? Bere lagunak ez zuen noski, erantzunik ematen jakin, zeren eta oso zailak irudituko zitzaizkion. Edith Stein konturatu zenean lagunaren isiltasun esanguratsuaz, beste hau esan zion: esaidazu behintzat zeintzuk diren Galderak...

My words should not be understood in an ethical or legal sense, but in a political one.

Edith Stein, a German philosopher of Hebrew origin, was on the verge of death at Auschwitz. After passing through a gas chamber, she asked the person next to her, "Will you tell me what the answers are?" Of course, her companion didn't know the answers, because they seemed too difficult. When Edith Stein realized her companion's meaningful silence, she said, "At least tell me what the questions are."...

The interests of fascism and imperialism in the world today prevent them from presenting themselves as they are. The democratic ideology, universally promoted since the Second World War, forces every totalitarian regime to hide and justify itself with it. "The more reactionary the policy of the imperialist States, the more carefully it is camouflaged behind pompous phrases about freedom, democracy, 'the free world,' etc." A constant objective of the new imperialist and fascist ideology is to make people believe that imperialism and fascism do not exist...

The history of opposition to General Franco's fascist and imperialist regime, and of the intra-totalitarian transition from the first to the second Francoism, now happily dominant, remains to be written. There are many people of good faith who are completely uninformed about what has happened and what is happening in this country, which reduces them to the role of a political victim and object at the mercy of the monopolies of violence and propaganda. The victors, whether imperialists, absolutists, or fascists, methodically and systematically destroy the witnesses and testimonies, the evidence and documents of their deeds.

Euskal Herriaren askatasun politikoaren inguruko hausnarketa sakona. Joseba Ariznabarretaren hitzaldi honek trantsizio politikoaren porrota aztertzen du, herri honek egindako akordioek ez zutelako berme nahikorik izan. Hizlariaren arabera, edozein akordiok bermea behar du, eta hori indar fisikoan oinarritzen da, hau da, estatua izatean. Testuak Euskal Herriaren pentsamendu-gaitasuna berreskuratzearen beharra azpimarratzen du, eta benetako demokrazia soilik herri libre batean dagoela defendatzen du. Azken finean, subiranotasunaren eta autodeterminazioaren gaiak lantzen ditu, iraganeko gertakari historikoak (36ko Gerla, Karlismoa, trantsizioa) egungo egoerarekin lotuz, eta etorkizuneko erronkei aurre egiteko herriaren indarra aktibatzearen garrantzia nabarmenduz...

A Deep Reflection on Political Freedom in the Basque Country. This speech by Joseba Ariznabarreta analyzes the failure of the political transition, arguing that the agreements made by the Basque people lacked sufficient guarantees. According to the speaker, any agreement requires a guarantee, and this is based on physical force, that is, on having a state. The text emphasizes the need for the Basque Country to recover its capacity for thought and defends that true democracy only exists in a free people. Ultimately, it addresses the issues of sovereignty and self-determination, linking historical events from the past (the 1936 War, Carlism, the transition) with the current situation, and highlighting the importance of activating the people's strength to face future challenges...

In August 1930, a meeting took place in San Sebastián among socialists, republicans, and "left-leaning Catalanists" with the purpose of joining forces to overthrow the monarchy and establish a "democracy."

The victory in the 1931 municipal elections allowed this project to take shape. Immediately, in Catalonia, the Independent Catalan Republic was proclaimed, which was devalued within hours to the Provisional Generalitat until a statute of autonomy could be discussed and approved in the Spanish Parliament that would emerge from the upcoming general elections. Meanwhile, in Madrid, the Provisional Government of the Republic had already been established and immediately began the corresponding constituent process, with the function of forming the new parliament and the "new" constitution ad hoc....

A large part of political theory and practice continues to appeal to the people in support of the validity of their political theses and aspirations, without the term having received, for that reason, long and deep analyses. Frequent invocations of the people do little to resolve disputes, and much less political conflicts, because the meaning of the term depends more on interests, desires, or emotions than on a dispassionate examination. Expressions like “government of the people” are used to praise a regime, while others like “populism” are used to discredit or demonize it. When it comes to political terms or concepts, it can’t be any other way. Therefore, the debate around what the word people means only causes disappointment and frustration in naive or well-intentioned individuals, but this doesn't mean it can be ignored...

Gaur egungo diskurtso politiko eta filosofikoan, "pertsona" kontzeptua etika, zuzenbide eta antolaketa sozialaren oinarrizko unitatetzat hartzen da. Pentsamendu liberalak norbanakoa du kontsiderazio moral eta legalaren ardatz, pertsona bakoitzak berezko duintasuna eta eskubideak dituela baieztatuz. Itxura noblea badu ere, azterketa sakonago batek tentsio handiak erakusten ditu "pertsona" kontzeptu abstraktuaren eta herrien errealitate zehatzaren artean. Saiakera honek argudiatuko du pertsona abstraktuari lehentasuna emateak, herri baten errealitate politikoaren aurretik, estrategia inperialista indartsu baten tresna gisa balio duela, autodeterminazio eskaerak sotilki desarmatuz, galdera politiko guztiak norbanakoaren eskubide eta lege-esparruetara mugatuz...

In contemporary political and philosophical discourse, the concept of the “person” is often invoked as the foundational unit of ethics, law, and social organization. Liberal thought presents the individual as the core of moral and legal consideration, asserting that every person possesses inherent dignity and rights. While this appears noble, a closer analysis reveals profound tensions between the abstract notion of the “person” and the concrete reality of peoples. This essay will argue that the prioritization of the abstract person over the political reality of a people serves as a powerful tool of imperialist strategy, subtly disarming demands for self-determination by framing all political questions as matters of individual rights and legal frameworks...

Imperialist aggression and occupation, and the denial of a people's right to self-determination, sometimes adopt limited political or wartime goals that involve negotiation, compromise, or power-sharing. This constitutes a relative international political conflict. The surprised and exasperated frustration caused by the occasional insufficiency of political action re-ignites the cycle, escalating the search for an ever more demanding "final solution." Protectorate, occupation, and annexation institutionalize the transition to absolute political imperialism. The establishment, or the eventual shift from one to another, corresponds to the phases of imperialist expansion or regression, the general balance of power, the mode of production and distribution, the correlative formation of an international class structure, and the consolidation and progress of occupation and colonization...