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En los últimos tiempos a la vez que empiezan a escucharse voces esperanzadoras acerca de la inoperancia concreta y positiva de ciertas formas de actuación, se ha extendido también entre nosotros la creencia de que hay un peligroso exceso de politicismo que impide enfrentarse con éxito a los gravísimos problemas de toda índole que nos aquejan (ejemplo al canto: la conferencia del consejero de cultura y portavoz del denominado Gobierno Vasco pronunciada recientemente en la "apolítica" Universidad de Deusto). La verdad es que el nivel de politización real de la población vasca es menor que nunca, pero algunos están lógicamente interesados en reducirlo a cero. Porque a nada que se investigue el origen de esta corriente ideológica y sus canales de difusión y, sobre todo, se observe a quién favorece, asoma con claridad su carácter esencialmente antidemocrático....

Une grande partie de la théorie et de la pratique politiques continuent d'en appeler au peuple pour appuyer le bien-fondé de leurs thèses et aspirations politiques, sans pour autant que ce terme ait mérité de longs et profonds analyses. Les invocations fréquentes au peuple ne servent guère à résoudre les litiges, et encore moins les conflits politiques, car le signification du terme dépend d'intérêts, de désirs ou d'émotions plutôt que d'un examen impassible. On utilise des expressions telles que « gouvernement du peuple » pour exalter un régime et d'autres telles que « populisme » pour le disqualifier ou le diaboliser. S'agissant de termes ou de concepts politiques, il ne peut en être autrement. Par conséquent, le débat autour de ce que le mot peuple signifie ne produit que déception et frustration chez les personnes naïves ou bien intentionnées, mais cela ne signifie pas qu'il puisse être mis de côté...

The interests of fascism and imperialism in the contemporary world prevent them from presenting themselves as they truly are. The fear of violence and the demand for security by the popular masses —scalded by the wars and revolutions of the twentieth century— result, once again, in the rise of Leviathan in the most reactionary forms imaginable, while simultaneously driving the propaganda of peace and non-violence propagated by states that are armed to the teeth and the protagonists of history's greatest hecatombs. It is characteristic of the contemporary ideological drift that such powers, established and maintained by war and the monopoly of violence, and holding the greatest means of destruction ever accumulated, pretend to be adversaries of all violence, wherever it may come from....

Registered pacifists try to make people believe that their priority objective is the cessation of violence. (The very idea of such a priority is formally absurd). But their true objective, neither priority nor non-priority, is not the cessation of violence. Their true objective is not the liquidation of imperialist aggression and occupation—which is in itself violence, original, unilateral, and unconditional, the permanent cause of the conflict. Their true objective is the ideal, full, and flawless functioning of the imperialist monopoly of violence, a product of wars of conquest and the foundation of the totalitarian regime. Their true objective is the repression of the right to self-determination of peoples, of the inherent legitimate defense against aggression under international law. Their true objective is the reduction of democratic resistance, the ruin of human rights, and the liquidation of peoples who, with an "unusual and incomprehensible" obstinacy, resist being swallowed up by their ravenous neighbors. Totalitarianism is by nature imperfect but perfectionist, especially when it comes to violence: it cannot tolerate that of others, no matter how politically marginal it may be...

Politics aims to determine social behavior by means of violence. Ideology aims to determine social behavior by means of ideas. It is presented in the history of political conflicts as an invention of the strong to reinforce and expand their power—an invention revised by the weak to establish and support their claim to emancipation...

La eficacia desgraciadamente indudable del terror” está demasiado comprobada para que los Estados, prescindan de él. Por el contrario, lo han llevado al nivel más elevado de realización como factor revolucionario y contra-revolucionario de primera magnitud. Denotación y connotación del terrorismo condicionan reacciones particularmente negativas y repulsivas de las masas, previamente condicionadas por los terrorismos nacionales e internacionales del siglo veinte.

Característica del nuevo terrorismo de Estado es la instauración del nuevo delito de “terrorismo” como figura penal universal. Los gobiernos de hecho han buscado y encontrado en esta incriminación el arma absoluta de la represión. Su eficacia es tal que se impone a toda concurrencia, desplaza a todo delito tradicional, común o político, devenido desusado y obsoleto por su propio mediocre rendimiento comparado. Ningún gobierno con conflictos abiertos prescinde de un chollo represivo como ese...

In the new policy globalized by the hegemonic power, the fear of a fascist reaction "blacker still" already seems to be the only effective stimulus for the masses of voters and protesters, so often solicited and always mocked. But the fear of the worst is the most equivocal, slippery, deceitful, and dangerous form of opportunism and defeatism, when the alleged realist-possibilist-minimalist progression already appears as open and declared regression, and it is merely a matter of “avoiding” absolute disaster. The “democrats” who have taken this orientation follow or vote for every form of reaction, if they find “a greater danger” that gives them pretext and opportunity. But there is always a worse, real or imaginary, that justifies a new step in dissolution and integration. With the fear or panic of the worst as the supreme guide and counselor, “hell is the limit” of totalitarian involution...

La evolución de la situación política en el Estado Español lleva hoy al PsoE y sus aliados a reforzar los elementos de guerra psicológica, dentro del conjunto de su lucha contra las libertades nacionales y sindicales de los trabajadores de Euzkadi. La propaganda social-imperialista, procedente de dentro o de fuera del estado, se presenta ante todo como una permanente cortina de humo, destinada a ocultar los problemas, las posiciones de fondo que sus autores no se atreven a presentar abiertamente ante los trabajadores y el pueblo. Ciertamente, no les faltan motivos para ello...

The ideologists of fascism and imperialism invoke "moral and legal norms, the Constitution, and the Rule of Law." But they conceal that they themselves have made the "norms" they speak of, denying and destroying preceding norms through violence, war, and terrorism. This is how they have acquired and preserved the power that allows them to judge good and evil and to impose on others the "moral and legal norms" that suit them, along with the rule of law, which is, in reality, the law of the empire. (Normative truism. Politics, law, government, and judiciary, Pnv-Eta)..

In the new policy globalized by the hegemonic power, the fear of a fascist reaction "blacker still" already seems to be the only effective stimulus for the masses of voters and protesters, so often solicited and always mocked. But the fear of the worst is the most equivocal, slippery, deceitful, and dangerous form of opportunism and defeatism, when the alleged realist-possibilist-minimalist progression already appears as open and declared regression, and it is merely a matter of “avoiding” absolute disaster. The “democrats” who have taken this orientation follow or vote for every form of reaction, if they find “a greater danger” that gives them pretext and opportunity. But there is always a worse, real or imaginary, that justifies a new step in dissolution and integration. With the fear or panic of the worst as the supreme guide and counselor, “hell is the limit” of totalitarian involution...

The opposition between imperialism and the struggle for national freedom is asymmetrical. The "dissymmetry of the colonizer-colonized pair" is general across both nationalisms, in their strategy, goals, means, ideology, and demographic, economic, and cultural conditions. The "inequality of resolve between the adversaries," "the dissymmetry of will, of interest, of animosity in the bellicose dialogue of conservatives and rebels" is, at times, "more pronounced than the inequality of material forces." The motivation of the side fighting for national freedom is greater than that of the side trying to end the adversary's resistance or existence. "The nationalists who demand the independence of their nation (which may or may not have existed in the past, and which may or may not live in the hearts of the masses) are more passionate than the rulers of the colonial state. At least in our century, they believe in the sanctity of their cause more than their adversaries believe in the legitimacy of their domination."...

La Confederacion Mundial del Trabajo (CMT), Confederacion Internacional de Organizaciones Sindicales Libres (CIOSL) y la Confederacion Europea de Sindicatos (CES) han requerido notarialmente al Sindicato ELA-STV, Congreso de Lejona (Solidaridad de Trabajadores Vascos) para que deje de utilizar las siglas de estos organismos internacionales en sus publicaciones. El STV es considerado como sindicato "amarillo"...

La política tiene por objeto la determinación del comportamiento social por medio de la violencia. La ideología tiene por objeto la determinación del comportamiento social por medio de las ideas. Viene dada en la historia de los conflictos políticos como un invento de los fuertes para reforzar y ampliar su poder, invento revisado por los débiles para fundar y confortar su pretensión de emancipación....

In contemporary political and philosophical discourse, the concept of the “person” is often invoked as the foundational unit of ethics, law, and social organization. Liberal thought presents the individual as the core of moral and legal consideration, asserting that every person possesses inherent dignity and rights. While this appears noble, a closer analysis reveals profound tensions between the abstract notion of the “person” and the concrete reality of peoples. This essay will argue that the prioritization of the abstract person over the political reality of a people serves as a powerful tool of imperialist strategy, subtly disarming demands for self-determination by framing all political questions as matters of individual rights and legal frameworks...

“Si la independencia del protectorado o de la colonia fuera considerada por el Estado imperial como un mal absoluto, una derrota irremediable, se volvería a la dualidad elemental amigo-enemigo. El nacionalista – tunecino, marroquí, argelino – sería el enemigo, no ocasional ni siquiera permanente”, “sería el enemigo absoluto, aquel con quien ninguna reconciliación es posible, cuya existencia misma es una agresión y que, en consecuencia, si se siguiera la lógica hasta el final, habría que exterminar. Delenda est Cartago: es la fórmula de la enemistad absoluta, la enemistad de Roma y de Cartago; una de las dos ciudades está de más. Si Argelia debe quedar definitivamente francesa, los nacionalistas que quieren una Argelia independiente deben ser eliminados sin piedad. Para que millones de musulmanes se hagan franceses a mitad del siglo XX, es necesario que no puedan ya soñar en una nación argelina y olviden a los testigos que se hicieron degollar”...

Cultural formation, instead of constituting a spiritual atmosphere, is for the middle class, plainly and exclusively, merely a means of advancement. The fear of anything unaccustomed or out of the ordinary is, at the same time, enormous, and constitutes a much more effective guarantor of the current state of affairs than all the police...

Nola edo hola, eskubide hori betidanik izan da jende ta nazio-arteko politika ta legearen muinean. Gaurkoan, inoiz baino argiago ikusten da eskubide horren garrantzi ezinhaundiagoa. Alde bat uzten den neurrian, ezin lortu daitezke gizadiaren pakea eta demokrazia, ongi-bizia eta aintzinamendua...

Introduction

The origin of the word “castle” (gaztelu in Basque) is typically attributed to the Latin castellum. However, after visiting and documenting over 200 castles in the Basque Country, and reflecting on both their purpose and the structure of the Basque language, I propose an alternative: that gaztelu is a native Basque term, deeply rooted in the language’s unique structure and worldview. This presentation combines personal experience, linguistic analysis, and cultural context to invite a new discussion on this word’s true origin...