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Galdakao, 1936. Irakasle izana. Pueblo y Poder liburuaren egilea. Orreaga taldeko kidea: “Herria ahulduta dago, baina indar nahiko dauka bere askatasuna lortzeko, indarra ondo erabiliz gero, noski. Horretarako klase politiko ona behar dugu eta uneon ez dut klase hori ikusten”."Politika eta biolentzia gauza serioak direla diot Pueblo y Poder liburuan. Herriak egin behar du politika, politikariek herriaren zerbitzura egon behar dute. Herriak buruzagiak behar ditu baina herriaren parte izanda, ez herritik aldenduta. ETAri eta EAJri hori gertatu zaie, herritik aldendu dira. Herriaren askatasuna herriaren boterean datza. Hori da demokrazia. ETAk eta EAJk “lehenik herria egin behar dugu” diote. Herria ez da egin behar, herria bada izan. Beren burua abangoardian kokatu dute, herritik aldenduz. Hori huts izugarria da. Modu horretara, euren pentsamenduan, herria ez da existitzen. 30 urteetan, beren politika kolaborazionista medio, ETAk nahiz EAJk herria ahultzea lortu dute."

Les relations internationales s'établissent sur des bases politiques, géographiques, démographiques, économiques, culturelles et idéologiques qui rendent possible le phénomène impérialiste. La nation est le sujet du nationalisme et de l'internationalisme. Le « nationalisme », au sens large, est la manière d'être de la nation. Les deux sont constitutivement corrélatifs, indissociables. Le nationalisme, au sens strict, est la forme extrême, agressive et oppressive du nationalisme : le nationalisme impérialiste. Il suscite la résistance, la lutte défensive pour la liberté nationale...

The imperial or hegemonic order and disorder of the 21st century are not those of the bipolar equilibrium and nuclear terror of the 20th. Even in reduced areas, the "institutional" framework is not the same now as it was under the "liberal" State. The current world is not that of 1834 and the Carlist Wars, nor that of 1936 and the escalating war crisis, nor even that of 1975 and the institutional crisis of Francoism. The attacks of the 21st century do not have the same meaning or receive the same treatment as the attacks of the 19th. The integrated and integral totalitarianism of the hypocritical successors and continuators of General Franco is not the same as the residual, poorly regarded military arch-totalitarianism of the founder, accomplice, and creature of the Axis. To ignore this is the norm for weak peoples, incapable of arriving in time at decisive historical crossroads...

Since the heroic times of individual or state terrorism, states have tried to reduce the common and traditional concept of “terrorism” to exclude themselves from its authorship, reducing it to peoples and every liberation movement, national ones in particular. Thanks to the new ideology and new law on “terrorism,” states disappear as the authors of the new “terrorism.” If states “cannot” be terrorists, by constitutive designation and definition, they cannot cause victims of “terrorism”; only the perpetrators of attacks can cause victims of terrorism. After the arrival of the new international disorder of the 21st century, states accuse each other of supporting, instigating, and financing “terrorism,” but not of practicing it themselves. The consensus, the solidarity of governments, is so broad in this matter that even in the case of a “preventive war on terrorism,” the charge of state terrorism does not proceed. But it is precisely state terrorism that concerns the peoples who suffer from it...

Ideology is the determination of behaviour by means of ideas. The dominant ideology is the ideology of the dominant powers that produce it, at the service of their own interests. The nationalist-imperialist, national-socialist, or national-fascist ideology does not have as its primary or secondary end truth, science, knowledge, or information, but rather their destruction or manipulation at the service of domination over peoples and the disappearance of free men...

La evolución de la situación política en el Estado Español lleva hoy al PsoE y sus aliados a reforzar los elementos de guerra psicológica, dentro del conjunto de su lucha contra las libertades nacionales y sindicales de los trabajadores de Euzkadi. La propaganda social-imperialista, procedente de dentro o de fuera del estado, se presenta ante todo como una permanente cortina de humo, destinada a ocultar los problemas, las posiciones de fondo que sus autores no se atreven a presentar abiertamente ante los trabajadores y el pueblo. Ciertamente, no les faltan motivos para ello...

La pregunta que nos tenemos que hacer los que hemos venido aquí, es bien clara. ¿Cómo se reconstruye el estado de Nabarra? ¿Qué es lo que hay que hacer? Es la pregunta clave y absolutamente práctica. Con los siglos que llevamos luchando por la obtención de nuestra libertad, hoy escuchamos muchas veces que hemos llegado a una situación de desilusión, de desencanto y de escepticismo. Aunque el escepticismo quizá deba ser la primera virtud de quien se dedica a la política. El que no es escéptico y desconfiado, se cree en seguida lo que le dicen, y así nos va. El político no debe ser ingenuo y creerse cuanto le dicen...

The question those of us who have come here must ask ourselves is very clear: How is the State of Nabarra rebuilt? What must be done? This is the key and absolutely practical question. After centuries of fighting for our freedom, we often hear today that we have reached a state of disillusionment, disenchantment, and skepticism. Although skepticism should perhaps be the primary virtue of anyone dedicated to politics. One who is not skeptical and distrustful immediately believes what they are told, and that is how things go for us. A politician must not be naive and believe everything they hear....

The international law of liberty, free disposition, or self-determination of peoples is the fundamental, inherent, and customary right to unconditional and immediate independence against imperialism, against alien aggression and occupation. This is a tautological proposition.

Imperialism is the current or virtual, theoretical, and practical negation of national freedom and the right to self-determination of peoples. The generally-called “right to self-determination” and imperialism are constitutively contrary and correlative; they cannot exist one without the other and against the other....

Ya hemos indicado cómo hay autores que consideran que el adjetivo moderno aplicado al estado construye un pleonasmo, porque lo que se denomina estado moderno es una forma de organización del poder político tan novedosa que no puede equipararse con ninguna que le haya precedido. Expresado de otra manera: que las formas de organizar el poder político coercitivo (porque no puede negarse su existencia a lo largo de toda la historia de la humanidad)1 previas a la aparición del estado moderno no debieran denominarse estados. De todo lo dicho hasta ahora se desprende que no es esa nuestra opinión. El estado está presente en toda forma de organización de un poder social asimétrico, autónomo, separado, que escapa en mayor o menor medida al control del conjunto de la sociedad y que debe su origen y su continuidad al uso de la violencia, por poco perceptible y diferenciada que aparezca la dimensión estrictamente política de dicha organización en determinados momentos de la historia...

Ekonomikoki, politikoki eta ideologikoki beren erregimenaren menpe daudenez —bertan eroso edo deseroso kokatuta daudela ere—, kolaborazionista eta konplizeek aktiboki bat egiten dute berarekin, lehentasunezko zeregin batean: maila estrategikoko kontzientzia eta oposizio oro garatzen eragoztea. Horrek, beraiek parte diren sistema arriskuan jarriko luke. Oso ondo dakite adierazpen- eta kritika-askatasun txikiena ere hilgarria izango litzatekeela masen nahasmendu eta mistifikazio enpresarentzat...

It is well known that an established political power appears, largely by the mere fact of its existence, as self-evident, necessary, and "natural." Base and structure possess a socio- geological and pre-political "reality" that "escapes" historical, sociological, political, and legal knowledge and activity. The social sciences reintegrate the natural sciences. It is a matter of representing politics (like production) "as enclosed in natural, eternal laws, independent of history." "Organized violence accords to such an extent with the conditions of human life, or presents itself before men with an apparently so insurmountable superiority, that they feel it as a force of nature or as the necessary environment of their existence."...