The international resolutions and conventions of the era that is ending adopted a concept of "terrorism" defined and modified strictly in a constitutive relationship with human rights and national liberation struggles, with reference to which self-defense acquires its full meaning.

The new "international law," ruining the previous and "subversive" principles of the UN in this regard, fraudulently and equivocally recovers the terms and concepts of terrorism and violence, not with a respective meaning, but with an amalgam of different, ideologically integrated meanings that combine, succeed, or occur simultaneously according to the demands of propaganda, psychological warfare, and political practice to exclude one's own activities and include those of others...

"In the year-by-year accounts of true history, conquest, subjugation through arms and robbery, and the reign of brute force are and have always been the ultimate victors. In blessed handbooks, on the other hand, there are endless love stories." False stories invented to weaken poor people, for the service of the powerful. In this real world, the victors are not "good, beautiful, and tender-hearted" nations, but those that have learned to be strong, rich, tough, and cunning. Political relations have their foundation and target in the great forces between societies. Legal orders are also included within those relations...

Violence being constitutive of politics, war, and law in general, it extends and sharpens all the more as the political basis of imperialist nationalism. Imperialist nationalism produces war and is established through violence. Without "the cannons, a very important part of the constitution," its domination is nothing. Imperialist nationalism is built upon legions of victims and rivers of blood, through unlimited violence, destruction, repression, imprisonment and deportation of populations, terrorism, and the denial and ruin of human rights as the political basis for the exploitation, pillage, acculturation, and liquidation of peoples and civilizations. Crimes against humanity, against peace, and against the very laws of war are its substance. These have been and continue to be the effective and necessary origin, foundation, development, and consequences of the nationalist-imperialist system of domination...

Ideologia gatazka sozialen historian sortzen da, indartsuenek beren boterea sendotu eta handitzeko asmatu zutelako; eta ahulenek, berriz, beren emantzipazio-nahia fundatu eta babesteko berrikusi zutelako. Zuzenbidea bezala, ideologia kontserbadorea da, eta oso ahalmen txikia du politikaren, zuzenbidearen eta indar-harreman orokorren gainean eragiteko. Indar politikoak determinazio objektiboen arabera antolatzen dira. Gizarte-portaera leinu edo nazio baten helburuek eta elkartasunak zehazten dute, eta ez ideologiak sortzen dituen elkarte, komunitate edo kidetasun erlijioso, zientifiko eta alderdikoiek...

International relations are established on political, geographical, demographic, economic, cultural, and ideological bases that make the imperialist phenomenon possible. The nation is the subject of nationalism and internationalism. "Nationalism" in a broad sense is the nation's way of being. Both are constitutively correlative and inseparable. Nationalism, in a strict sense, is the extreme, aggressive, and oppressive form of nationalism—imperialist nationalism. It arouses resistance, the defensive struggle for national freedom...

We have already indicated how some authors consider that the adjective modern applied to the state constitutes a pleonasm, because what is called the modern state is a form of political power organization so novel that it cannot be equated with any that preceded it. Expressed differently: that the forms of organizing coercive political power (because its existence throughout the history of humanity cannot be denied) prior to the emergence of the modern state should not be called states. From all that has been said so far, it follows that this is not our opinion. The state is present in every form of organization of an asymmetric, autonomous, separated social power that, to a greater or lesser extent, escapes the control of society as a whole and owes its origin and continuity to the use of violence, however imperceptible and undifferentiated the strictly political dimension of said organization may appear at certain moments in history...

In contemporary political and philosophical discourse, the concept of the “person” is often invoked as the foundational unit of ethics, law, and social organization. Liberal thought presents the individual as the core of moral and legal consideration, asserting that every person possesses inherent dignity and rights. While this appears noble, a closer analysis reveals profound tensions between the abstract notion of the “person” and the concrete reality of peoples. This essay will argue that the prioritization of the abstract person over the political reality of a people serves as a powerful tool of imperialist strategy, subtly disarming demands for self-determination by framing all political questions as matters of individual rights and legal frameworks...

Spanish imperialism currently faces the need for profound transformations determined by the accelerated change in world social structures, the evolution of the mode of production, and the reality of the Basque People (Pueblo Vasco). All of this demands a complex attitude from colonialism, one less reducible to simple repression. The opposition of Basque forces is being treated by means capable of ensuring its integration into a broader, more effective, and mature system of nationalist domination. In this way, the objectives, ideology, and organization of the popular forces are, in reality, largely elaborated and imposed by imperialism itself. Better-camouflaged and adapted propaganda, more effective and better combined means of provocation and repression, and more varied and aggressive diversion, penetration, and recovery techniques are being developed in Euzkadi by forces ranging from the state sphere to the various Spanish oppositions....

Askatasun ezak bildu gaitu eta askatasunaren nahiak batuko gaitu. Ezinbestekoa dugu batasun estrategikoa askatasuna lortzeko. Bere garaian, orain dela mende batzuk, askatasuna izan genuen, hau da, geure estatu nafarra Europa barruan, nazioarteko mailan onartua eta ondo aitortua zen.

Neurri handi batean horrek iraun arazi gaitu herri moduan; geurean eutsiz bizi gara oraindik. Askatasuna galtzeak existentzia galtzera garamatza. Askatasunik gabe ez dugu biziraupen luzerik. Askatasuna ezinbestekoa dugu herri bezala bizi ahal izateko...

Hemos señalado en el apartado anterior algunas características específicas del poder político, principalmente las adscritas al género de recurso que utiliza para el desempeño de sus múltiples y variadas tareas. Ahora vamos a destacar otra propiedad que el poder político pretende siempre en las sociedades con estado, aunque con éxito desigual: la legitimidad que le asiste para ejercer el poder y la correlativa obligación de obedecer que comporta para todos los que viven bajo su jurisdicción...