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El nombramiento todavía reciente, con que, tras largo forcejeo, fué provista la sede episcopal de San Sebastián, fué un hecho de notable significado: la política eclesiástica, después de un paréntesis de largos años consecuencia de la derrota vasca frente a la Cruzada de 1936, reconocía oficialmente la "existencia" del Pueblo Vasco.

Sería, por supuesto, exagerado... y peligroso creer que ello entraña un amplio reconocimiento de la justicia de sus exigencias y la consiguiente decisión de satisfacerlas. En cuanto a lo que supone como constatación de una potencialidad social con la que es preciso contar, no parece que la Jerarquía aprecia más necesidad que la de adaptarse a ella mediante procedimientos más complejos y flexibles que los hasta ahora empleados...

Quizá debiera comenzar diciendo que de un tiempo a esta parte apenas leo los periódicos ni las revistas de actualidad, con lo que, a mi entender, salgo ganando.., al menos, dinero. Y estas economías -que tienen su importancia en familias modestas como la mía- debo agradecérselas a los "políticos vascos" que me han conducido en poco tiempo con sus actuaciones y declaraciones a un grado de escepticismo propio de un "chamán" respecto al valor de las leyes lógicas más elementales y de la ciencia política en general...

What strategy has "Euskal Herria" pursued in recent years? Why? What are the results?

I will refer to Hegoalde [Southern Basque Country] (although in Iparralde [Northern Basque Country] more or less the same thing happened). In the 1960s, the Country allowed itself to fall into a trap by adopting two infrastrategical and complementary paths: "the institutional path (Pnv)" and "attacks (Eta)", only for everyone to end up in the "institutional" one, largely promoted and directed by imperialism itself. Now, institutions serve the political power that establishes them; that is what they are made for. Both, lacking their own ideology and strategy ("the people who lack their own strategy necessarily make that of others"), have adopted the dominant ideology, have openly shifted to imperialism, of which they are the most obstinate, residual, and backward ideological commando, and now it is easy to observe that the Pnv-Eta combination has fully integrated into the PsoE...

En los últimos tiempos a la vez que empiezan a escucharse voces esperanzadoras acerca de la inoperancia concreta y positiva de ciertas formas de actuación, se ha extendido también entre nosotros la creencia de que hay un peligroso exceso de politicismo que impide enfrentarse con éxito a los gravísimos problemas de toda índole que nos aquejan (ejemplo al canto: la conferencia del consejero de cultura y portavoz del denominado Gobierno Vasco pronunciada recientemente en la "apolítica" Universidad de Deusto). La verdad es que el nivel de politización real de la población vasca es menor que nunca, pero algunos están lógicamente interesados en reducirlo a cero. Porque a nada que se investigue el origen de esta corriente ideológica y sus canales de difusión y, sobre todo, se observe a quién favorece, asoma con claridad su carácter esencialmente antidemocrático....

Une grande partie de la théorie et de la pratique politiques continuent d'en appeler au peuple pour appuyer le bien-fondé de leurs thèses et aspirations politiques, sans pour autant que ce terme ait mérité de longs et profonds analyses. Les invocations fréquentes au peuple ne servent guère à résoudre les litiges, et encore moins les conflits politiques, car le signification du terme dépend d'intérêts, de désirs ou d'émotions plutôt que d'un examen impassible. On utilise des expressions telles que « gouvernement du peuple » pour exalter un régime et d'autres telles que « populisme » pour le disqualifier ou le diaboliser. S'agissant de termes ou de concepts politiques, il ne peut en être autrement. Par conséquent, le débat autour de ce que le mot peuple signifie ne produit que déception et frustration chez les personnes naïves ou bien intentionnées, mais cela ne signifie pas qu'il puisse être mis de côté...

The interests of fascism and imperialism in the contemporary world prevent them from presenting themselves as they truly are. The fear of violence and the demand for security by the popular masses —scalded by the wars and revolutions of the twentieth century— result, once again, in the rise of Leviathan in the most reactionary forms imaginable, while simultaneously driving the propaganda of peace and non-violence propagated by states that are armed to the teeth and the protagonists of history's greatest hecatombs. It is characteristic of the contemporary ideological drift that such powers, established and maintained by war and the monopoly of violence, and holding the greatest means of destruction ever accumulated, pretend to be adversaries of all violence, wherever it may come from....

Registered pacifists try to make people believe that their priority objective is the cessation of violence. (The very idea of such a priority is formally absurd). But their true objective, neither priority nor non-priority, is not the cessation of violence. Their true objective is not the liquidation of imperialist aggression and occupation—which is in itself violence, original, unilateral, and unconditional, the permanent cause of the conflict. Their true objective is the ideal, full, and flawless functioning of the imperialist monopoly of violence, a product of wars of conquest and the foundation of the totalitarian regime. Their true objective is the repression of the right to self-determination of peoples, of the inherent legitimate defense against aggression under international law. Their true objective is the reduction of democratic resistance, the ruin of human rights, and the liquidation of peoples who, with an "unusual and incomprehensible" obstinacy, resist being swallowed up by their ravenous neighbors. Totalitarianism is by nature imperfect but perfectionist, especially when it comes to violence: it cannot tolerate that of others, no matter how politically marginal it may be...

Politics aims to determine social behavior by means of violence. Ideology aims to determine social behavior by means of ideas. It is presented in the history of political conflicts as an invention of the strong to reinforce and expand their power—an invention revised by the weak to establish and support their claim to emancipation...

La eficacia desgraciadamente indudable del terror” está demasiado comprobada para que los Estados, prescindan de él. Por el contrario, lo han llevado al nivel más elevado de realización como factor revolucionario y contra-revolucionario de primera magnitud. Denotación y connotación del terrorismo condicionan reacciones particularmente negativas y repulsivas de las masas, previamente condicionadas por los terrorismos nacionales e internacionales del siglo veinte.

Característica del nuevo terrorismo de Estado es la instauración del nuevo delito de “terrorismo” como figura penal universal. Los gobiernos de hecho han buscado y encontrado en esta incriminación el arma absoluta de la represión. Su eficacia es tal que se impone a toda concurrencia, desplaza a todo delito tradicional, común o político, devenido desusado y obsoleto por su propio mediocre rendimiento comparado. Ningún gobierno con conflictos abiertos prescinde de un chollo represivo como ese...

In the new policy globalized by the hegemonic power, the fear of a fascist reaction "blacker still" already seems to be the only effective stimulus for the masses of voters and protesters, so often solicited and always mocked. But the fear of the worst is the most equivocal, slippery, deceitful, and dangerous form of opportunism and defeatism, when the alleged realist-possibilist-minimalist progression already appears as open and declared regression, and it is merely a matter of “avoiding” absolute disaster. The “democrats” who have taken this orientation follow or vote for every form of reaction, if they find “a greater danger” that gives them pretext and opportunity. But there is always a worse, real or imaginary, that justifies a new step in dissolution and integration. With the fear or panic of the worst as the supreme guide and counselor, “hell is the limit” of totalitarian involution...

La evolución de la situación política en el Estado Español lleva hoy al PsoE y sus aliados a reforzar los elementos de guerra psicológica, dentro del conjunto de su lucha contra las libertades nacionales y sindicales de los trabajadores de Euzkadi. La propaganda social-imperialista, procedente de dentro o de fuera del estado, se presenta ante todo como una permanente cortina de humo, destinada a ocultar los problemas, las posiciones de fondo que sus autores no se atreven a presentar abiertamente ante los trabajadores y el pueblo. Ciertamente, no les faltan motivos para ello...

The ideologists of fascism and imperialism invoke "moral and legal norms, the Constitution, and the Rule of Law." But they conceal that they themselves have made the "norms" they speak of, denying and destroying preceding norms through violence, war, and terrorism. This is how they have acquired and preserved the power that allows them to judge good and evil and to impose on others the "moral and legal norms" that suit them, along with the rule of law, which is, in reality, the law of the empire. (Normative truism. Politics, law, government, and judiciary, Pnv-Eta)..

The opposition between imperialism and the struggle for national freedom is asymmetrical. The "dissymmetry of the colonizer-colonized pair" is general across both nationalisms, in their strategy, goals, means, ideology, and demographic, economic, and cultural conditions. The "inequality of resolve between the adversaries," "the dissymmetry of will, of interest, of animosity in the bellicose dialogue of conservatives and rebels" is, at times, "more pronounced than the inequality of material forces." The motivation of the side fighting for national freedom is greater than that of the side trying to end the adversary's resistance or existence. "The nationalists who demand the independence of their nation (which may or may not have existed in the past, and which may or may not live in the hearts of the masses) are more passionate than the rulers of the colonial state. At least in our century, they believe in the sanctity of their cause more than their adversaries believe in the legitimacy of their domination."...

La política tiene por objeto la determinación del comportamiento social por medio de la violencia. La ideología tiene por objeto la determinación del comportamiento social por medio de las ideas. Viene dada en la historia de los conflictos políticos como un invento de los fuertes para reforzar y ampliar su poder, invento revisado por los débiles para fundar y confortar su pretensión de emancipación....

Cultural formation, instead of constituting a spiritual atmosphere, is for the middle class, plainly and exclusively, merely a means of advancement. The fear of anything unaccustomed or out of the ordinary is, at the same time, enormous, and constitutes a much more effective guarantor of the current state of affairs than all the police...